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Campaign
2000:
Ralph Nader
Ralph
Nader is the liberal conscience in the 2000 race. With many
polls showing the consumer safety advocate running at nearly ten
percent of the vote, Nader could emerge as a major factor in
November. Nader doesn't have to answer to established interest
groups, and with practically no chance of winning in November, he's
free to say things that the major parties don't.
His
foreign policy is a good case in point. Unlike the major
parties, who Nader charges don't discuss "WTO and NAFTA and
corporate globalization," Nader takes an almost neo-isolationist
view of the world. The Green Party candidate's foreign policy
thinking is descended from Wilsonian thought and leavened with a dash
of Sixties idealism. Unless the United States can be a
force for good in the world, Nader seems to say, it should stay at home.
Of
ballots, solar cells, and language
On
moral grounds, he may be right. "We seem to always side
with the dictators and the oligarchs and never with the peasants and
workers," he said in an interview with CNN's Talkback Live.
His
policy requires not just the spread of American ideals, but also of
American technology. The mixture is a bit, well, odd, and
disconcerting to observers used to the sanitized policies of modern
presidential candidates. On a statement on his website, Nader asks,
"Don't
we need to go on the affirmative and expand the export of democratic
processes, of appropriate technology like solar energy, energize the
world to move to a utilization of national resources that redefines
productivity and efficiency? Then there's the nonmaterial
aspect of it all. How much we can, for example, rescue the
languages of indigenous peoples, try to rescue a lot of the culture
that's becoming lost to them as commercialism and Wester corporatism
define their culture."
Share
the wealth
It's
doubtful that many other politicians in the world have ever thought
about rescuing indigenous peoples' languages. But it's policies
like that which make up both Nader's appeal to a certain bloc of the
electorate and constitute his intellectual value in this
election. Perhaps Americans should be more concerned about
indigenous cultures. Certainly, the topic has never been
discussed before.
Like
Gore, Nader wants to make the world more prosperous in an attempt to
head off international problems before they arise. No one can
deny the American policy in the past has encouraged authoritarian
regimes and, to some extent, the exploitation of other countries'
workforce. Some foreign policy experts, like Jeane Kirkpatrick
and Henry Kissinger, are unapologetic about this. Nader is
incensed. On the problem of immigration from Latin America, he
comments that "if we had a more decent foreign policy toward
Mexico and Central [America] where we sided with the peasants and the
workers. . . there wouldn't be such a desparate economic condition
for those desparate people to move north."
Conclusion
A
Nader presidency, unlikely as it is, would be to some extent in
keeping with traditional American idealism. But assuming that
any president could live up to Nader's rhetoric, his policies would
also certainly erode American power while alienating much of the
international community and possibly triggering several wars.
Would a President Nader have remained silent in Chechnya?
Probably not. Yet there is a time when moral considerations in
foreign policy should take a back seat to other concerns, such as the
relative balance of nuclear power between Russia and the United States.
Indeed,
Nader might find it distasteful to continue some of his
predecessors' policies, like relying on deterrence to dissuade rogue
nations from using weapons of mass destruction against the United
States. After all, nuclear policy in this country has never
been moral in any sense except for the fact that it has kept the
peace. Nader's history as a "No Nukes" advocate adds
credence to the view that a Nader administration would be disastrous
for American power and thus for global stability.
Still,
Nader is asking the questions that the United States needs to answer
if it is to define its policy for the next century. Certainly,
morality will (and should) play a role in American policy, but the
extent to which it should dictate American actions is unclear.
If nothing else, Nader's candidacy will help the country define the
limits of morality in the 21st century world. |