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Campaign
2000:
Albert Gore
Al
Gore is, without question, the most experienced candidate for
president this year. No other candidate has his firsthand
experience with foreign policy decisionmaking. But Gore has
downplayed foreign policy on the campaign trail, preferring instead
to talk about his plans for Social Security and Medicare. Thus
his foreign policy is neither as defined as Bush's nor as discussed
in the media.
One
reason why Gore may not have put forward a comprehensive policy yet
is that any differences between his plan and the Clinton
administration's record will be taken as an implicit criticism of the
president he has served for nearly eight years. Indeed, his
website's list of his foreign policy priorities includes passing the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the Kyoto Accords. These
goals are little more than unfulfilled items on the Clinton
agenda. Since Gore's campaign strategy to date has been to
identify the vice president more closely with the Clinton record, his
reluctance to remind voters that the Clinton foreign policy record
has been somewhat weak is understandable.
All
together now
Yet
even from the few words that Gore has spoken on the subject, it's
clear that a Gore presidency would have a foreign policy less based
on the national interest than on moral and humanitarian grounds.
In contrast to Bush's unilateral rejection of American troops
serving as U.N. peacekeepers, Gore praises the United Nations and
states that through the U.N., "the U.S. can build critical
international support for issues and policies to our foreign policy
goals." The Bush foreign policy team explicitly ruled out
the need for U.N. sanction on American use of power in Condoleezza
Rice's Foreign Affairs article. Like the Clinton
administration, Gore would continue to seek resolution to
international disputes in multinational institutions.
Much
of Gore's remaining rhetoric on the topic is empty
generalities. Unlike Bush, Gore does have a position on the
"soft" issues of global poverty and hunger: "Let me be
clear: Promoting prosperity throughout the world is a crucial form of
forward engagement." This humanitarian tone is a constant
theme in his speeches. Gore believes that "our national
security interests can be defined by our values."
There
are problems with defining a foreign policy on moral grounds.
Gore answers critics' charges that the administration has been
hypocritical and selective in its intervention policy (intervening in
Kosovo, standing by in Chechnya) by saying that the difference in
policy stems from the fact that "in Bosnia we had NATO allies in
the region." For troubled nations whose borders touch
nuclear powers, or for African nations like Rwanda whose borders
touch no American interest, this explanation is surely less than reassuring.
Conclusion
President
Gore's policy would likely contain much the same strengths and
weaknesses of Clinton's policy: appealing in academic debate, but
difficult to apply to the real world. Further, Gore's
well-known environmentalism could prove a hindrance to Gore's other
policies. It would likely prove difficult for the vice
president to walk away from a ratification fight over Kyoto, for
example. With the Republicans likely to retain their hold on
the Senate until the next election, such a fight would suck up Gore's
attention and political capital for no purpose, much as last year's
CTBT fight and 1998's "fast track" battles absorbed
Clinton's time and energy. |