Poland after independence was governed by executive (president and prime minister) and legislative branches. One of the most important points of the treaty was that the Jews were allowed full political representation in Parliament. The Parliament, or Diet, was formed of the Senat, and Sejm, a larger body similar to the House of Representatives in the US. Parliament contained many parties all along the left-right, radical-conservative line. Some of the more popular parties included the Polish Peasants' Party and the Christian Democracy Party. There were parties representing all Polish minorities, like the Ukrainians, Lithuanians, Belorussians, and Jews, and Marxist parties.
    The conservative branch of parliament was ruled by the National Democratic Front (the Endek or Endecja). The Endecja was always officially anti-Semitic. Its losses to Pilsudski after independence only strengthened its heated rhetoric. Its philosophy was ethnically chauvinistic -it believed Poland was defined by a intrinsic Polish sense of character. Jews were alien and harmful to this spirit. The Endeks ascended on several issues like the instabilities of the country's western and eastern borders, which made Poles more sympathetic to defensive nationalism. In addition, there was severe economic crises in this period, in Poland and around the world. Although the majority of Jews were poor and getting poorer, much of Poland's industrial economy was started by Germans and Jews, which made them easy to scapegoat as the rich and bleeding the rest of the country. There was a specifically radical part of Endecja known as the National-Radical Camp, or ONR. It claimed specifically that Jews were destroying Polish interests, and that short of the Jews becoming completely Polish in culture and identification (which it claimed they were absolutely incapable), all Jews should leave the country.
Q: Zionist-Endecja comparison
    The largest of the extreme leftist parties were the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) and the Communist Polish Party (KPP). The Polish and Jewish left had many shared beliefs, and thus pursued the same agenda most of the time in Parliament, but could not ever understand or commiserate with each others' specific current problems. Most of the involvement of the Marxist parties in Jewish circles was to bring them into the Polish socialist universe and gaining an ally in the Diet, yet they offered no more than lukewarm tolerance for Jews and opposition to anti-Semitism. They painted a picture of the Soviet Union as having no anti-Semitism, as opposed to the czarist days of hate and pogroms. Some Jews were indeed entranced by the socialist/Communist dream, yet they saw Polish problems as just that -Polish problems; only somewhat important to their agenda, and thus a true gathering of the Jews never occurred. There was certainly nothing wrong with being Jewish, but the Marxists, after realizing the Jews' stubbornness, delpored them for their dreams of a separate national identity, and wished they would accept class, not ethnic, solidarity.
Q-Why might Jews be more interested in Marxist dogma than other ethnic groups?
    There were many, many Jewish parties in pre-war Poland. There is a Jewish saying, "When you have two Jews, you have three opinions." Of course, however, the Jews did stay away from the right, as that was the territory of the feared Endecja. The parties can be divided into Zionist and anti-Zionist camps. In the anti-Zionist camp was Agudat Israel, the General Jewish Labor Bund, and the Folkist party. Agudat Israel was the party of the Chasidim and of other religious anti-Zionists. They were the only party to remain loyal to the Sanacja throughout its rule. Do to its high favor with Pilsudski, favorable rulings came frequently for AI (secular standards not as carefully guarded), large control of the kehillah boards). Its main wish was for the Jews to be left to themselves to be Jewish. The Bund, for short, was the mainstream Jewish-socialist movement. The Bund public horn was on an autonomous culture. As opposed to virtually all other Jewish parties in accepting and even champoioning the Compulsory Sunday Rest Law as a campaign against Jewish "clericalism." Its driving goal was to transform the sovereignty of the kehillot from purely religious and charitabe to secular cultural decisions. Unfortunately, this vision proved a little too universal for the Bund''s long term ascendancy. WIktor Alter put the Bund's Jewish angst perfectly, "I cannot look at anti-Semitism from a specifically Jewish point of view." While not meeting with long-term political success, the Bund was instrumental in creating the first real secular Yiddish culture in Poland, and also helped in education, and in unionizing the trades.
    The largest Jewish political bloc in Poland was easily the Zionists. Zionism was founded on the belief that anti-Semitism was a phenomenon able to be controlled among the nations, but never to be eliminated. Zionism stood for one main goal -bringing the Jewish people to a national homeland. In many ways, Zionism helped the Jewish people by focusing on the original sources of Jewish culture. ZIonism appealed to a wide variety of Polish Jews, but with that variety, it also created wide splits in the movement. The General ZIonist Party was the most political and the most eager to work politically with the government. It stood for democratic liberal Zionism, and was neutral on religion. The Mizrachi party combined Orthodoxy and Zionism, and was typically centrist. The Revisionists, led by the fiery figure Vladimir Jabotinsky, was for paramilitary self-defense and the immediate 'evacuation' of Jews to Palestine. Finally, the Poale Zion was a socialist labor Zionist movement that favored Yiddish, while the Labor ZIonists were non-Marxists and emphasized Hebrew and the language of Israel.