Shops Closing, Japan Still Asks `What Crisis?'
by Nicholas D. Kristof
OMIYA, Japan -- Aside from the
fact that his beloved little business is collapsing after a life
time of effort, Mitsuo Okura is rather pleased with life.
Okura, a wry 62-year-old, sits in a little office beside his
four-employee factory, which spits out gobs of black plastic that
eventually end up in Toyota and Honda cars. Pictures of his
grandchildren decorate the wall behind him, and he smiles amiably
as he mocks his own foolishness for expanding his factory
eight-fold during Japan's "bubble economy" of the late
1980s. His eyes crinkle pleasantly as he acknowledges that his
own son and daughter have declined to inherit the business. He
accepts that in the economic competition for survival of the
fittest, he will end up in a more ruthless animal's digestive
tract.
"People complain about the bad economy," Okura mused
here in Omiya, a little town nearly 200 miles southwest of Tokyo.
"But when I look around the house, I've got everything I
want. I've got three cars, and most families around here have two
or three as well. I've got a couple of televisions, and so do
most people. I've got a washing machine, a refrigerator, and so
do all my neighbors."
"Even if no one sees a bright future," he added,
"there's no feeling of crisis."
And that may be Japan's problem: life is too comfortable.
The lack of a crisis mentality means that Japan cannot summon the
political will to lay off surplus workers, to extinguish
insolvent banks, to snuff out the hopes of the kindly old ladies
who run rice shops and futon stores. It means that there is
little public pressure on Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto to
push for the sweeping deregulation and huge stimulus measures
that the United States is urging.
Japanese and foreign economists mostly agree that such a
far-reaching restructuring is necessary to invigorate the
second-largest economy in the world. Japan is widely seen as
caught in a bramble of regulatory barriers that stifle
competition in finance, retailing, transportation, medicine,
agriculture, telecommunications, and many other sectors, and
critics often say that without deregulation Japan will continue
to stagnate as it has for the last seven years, sapping strength
from the United States and other countries.
Indeed, the Clinton administration sometimes suggests that Japan
is on the verge of economic collapse, and it portrays Japan as a
threat to the entire global economy. But sit on the tatami mat
floor in a Japanese home like Masamisu Nishi's here in Omiya, and
life still seems so secure that people feel little urgency about
change.
Mr. Nishi, a former Honda worker who now runs a construction
company with 40 employees, says business is terrible, but he adds
that his family and neighbors have been scarcely affected by the
downturn. Indeed, most people here say they do not know anyone
who has ever been laid off.
Unemployment in Japan is at a record high, but that is still just
3.6 percent -- more than a percentage point below the rate in the
United States. Inflation is zero. Interest rates are negligible,
and business bankruptcies per capita are still one-third lower in
slumping Japan than in booming America.
"There isn't much feeling of a downturn among ordinary
people," Nishi said, despite Japan's slightly negative
growth for the last year. As he relaxed on a cushion on the
floor, nursing a coffee in the tranquil night air, he added:
"Even with my family, business isn't good, but we haven't
cut back on our living standard."
So although Japan is enduring its worst slump in a
quarter-century, political discontent is not boiling over as it
would in the United States. Indeed, the ruling Liberal Democratic
Party is steadily gaining strength, and people like Nishi and his
wife, Kazuho, perceive the central government as so remote that
it is neither the problem nor the solution.
"As for me," Mrs. Nishi said, "I just don't see
any signs of a crisis."
The Changes: Some Say Good-Bye to the Old Values
Takahiro Tanaka is one of the few casualties of the economic
downturn, and his experience underscores how overwhelming a task
it will be to transform Japan into a modern market economy.
Businessmen like Tanaka, a slim 37-year-old who works as a
forester in Omiya because his factory went under last year,
operate in an environment that is more social than economic.
Tanaka sat back in a friend's home in Omiya the other day and
described his failed business as based not on contracts or prices
but rather on traditional values such as "giri-ninjo,"
or duty and empathy.
The result has been a Japanese economy whose outward facade is
skyscrapers and business suits, but whose human interactions are
still rooted in traditional concepts of honor. These ways of
doing business are frustrating for American officials but would
be immediately understandable to any 18th century samurai.
Tanaka was in charge of a 30-year-old family business making
pearl souvenirs and accessories. At its peak it had several dozen
employees, but it was just the kind of inefficient factory that
has become un-competitive in Japan because of rising imports and
increasing labor costs.
"It just got too hard to compete with imports," he
recalled. "Chinese-made pearls come into Japan, and the
finished product is the same price as the cost of our
materials."
So the family business steadily declined, and it lost money year
after year. But because of giri-ninjo, Tanaka did not take the
cost-cutting steps that might have saved his business.
"What I kept thinking about most was the employees,"
Tanaka said. "They depended on us. I just couldn't bring
myself to dismiss the inefficient ones.
"There was one person in particular that I thought I could
do without. But I kept him and kept him, because I thought that
his entire family would be in trouble if we dismissed him.
"I thought of offering the employees less money. I'm sure
they would have accepted, if I'd offered. But I just couldn't
bring myself to do such a thing."
So last year Tanaka finally had to close the factory, and the
employees lost their work anyway. Tanaka readily admitted that
his sense of giri-ninjo was misplaced and a bit foolish.
"I think a person with greater ability might have saved the
company, but I wasn't fit for business," he admitted.
Tanaka and nearly everyone else in Omiya believe that the
giri-ninjo economy is inevitably withering away, a process that
is most evident in the disappearance of small shops. Japan, far
more than Britain, is a nation of shop-keepers, and Japan has
more than twice as many shops per capita as the United States.
These little shops are so inefficient that they mostly charge
very high prices and survive on webs of giri-ninjo. The stores
appeal not to the minds of customers or to their pocketbooks, but
to their loyalty -- and these days, that is not enough.
"I have a friend near here, and I was thinking that since
her refrigerator was getting old, maybe she would buy a new one
from us," said Yachiyo Horie, who runs a little electronics
shop with her husband, Nobuhiro. "Then one day I was at her
house and I saw a new refrigerator! I thought, 'Hey!'
"Well, I was very curious, but of course I couldn't say a
thing. So finally I casually said, 'I see you have a new
refrigerator.' But she didn't want to talk about it."
Mrs. Horie shook her head sadly.
Now even my sister buys electrical things in the big
stores," she said. "Like her new washing machine."
Horie looked reproachfully at his wife. "And a new
television," he added.
The Trap: A Nice Warm Bath Is Hard to Leave
There is an expression in Japanese, "nurumayu," that
describes the coziness of a lukewarm bath even when someone knows
that it is time to step out of the tub and face the chill. Many
Japanese say that their nation's economy is "nurumayu,"
and they realize that it is time to get out -- but that the bath
is so lulling that they cannot summon the energy to do so just
yet.
"Frankly, I'd just as soon stay in the bath," mused
Hironori Takayama, a young banker in a town near Omiya.
"But these days, even if you try to stay in the bath, the
tub will crack and the water will leak out. So if you stay in you
risk getting chilly and catching cold. It's not much of a
choice."
For people like Takayama, the problem with economic restructuring
is the price in fairness, equality, and civility. To foreigners,
Japan often seems virtually socialist in mindset, profoundly
believing in social equality and relying on the most progressive
income tax system of any major country in the world -- including
a marginal rate of 65 percent on personal income taxes -- to
achieve the equality.
"After the Soviet Union collapsed, I thought that socialism
had failed and that capitalism was better," said Takayama,
expressing an epiphany that seemed odd coming from a banker in a
dark suit in what is usually thought of as the biggest capitalist
economy outside of America. "But when I visited Singapore
one time, I saw skyscrapers and then what looked like a slum next
to them. I was surprised, and maybe that's because Japan is the
only place where that kind of thing doesn't happen, the only
place where everybody thinks of themselves as middle class."
Takayama brooded for a few minutes. Then he added: "I don't
want to get out of this bath."
A cultural difference may also be behind the Japanese antipathy
for unregulated markets. Americans are risk-takers who are taught
to respect explorers and entrepreneurs, while Japanese are
drilled to be cautious and to respect bureaucrats. Japan is so
intuitively risk-averse that the Japanese language traditionally
did not even have a good word for risk.
Japanese often turn to pop-sociology to account for these
differences, describing themselves as a "farming
people" in contrast to the "hunting peoples" of
the West. In effect, Japanese tend to see themselves as economic
herbivores, in contrast to the carnivores from Wall Street and
the West.
To be sure, the image of peace-loving herbivores does not carry
much weight in countries like China or Korea that were invaded
and terrorized by Japanese soldiers, nor does the image resonate
with American or European companies that were mauled by Japanese
manufacturers in the 1980s. But within Japan, the image seems a
natural one -- Japanese businesses are indeed extremely reluctant
to hurt their own -- and the consequence is disdain for the
economic carnage of free markets.
Shinji Hashikura, 42, who runs a five-employee factory making
electrical parts in Omiya, sat at his kitchen table and expressed
his feelings with a common Japanese saying, "jaku niku, kyo
shoku" -- "the strong gobble up the meat of the
weak." That, he complained, is a worrisome trend.
" 'Meat of the weak' -- that's me!" Hashikura said
morosely. "I'm the one who's going to be gobbled up. And 80
percent of Japanese are weak meat, too. So when the gobbling
begins, we'll all be dead."
Hashikura paused and exchanged a look with his wife, who sat
beside him at the kitchen table.
"But that's the way of the future," he said.
"There's nothing we can do."
The Competition: Imports Now Push the Weak Aside
As Hashikura's comment suggests, there is broad agreement in
Omiya that sweeping change is coming to create an economy based
more on the concept of "the strong gobble up the meat of the
weak." Indeed, many people favor it, saying that even if
they themselves are consumed, economic Darwinism is in the
interests of the nation.
They say this even though Omiya, which has 5,700 people, could be
a loser in a more open system. As in most rural areas, Omiya's
economy is largely dependent on government spending,
infrastructure projects and on inefficient little retail shops
and factories -- all supplemented by farming and forestry that
cannot easily compete with imports.
Kihachiro Nishimura, a silver-haired retired salary man, sat on
the tatami floor of his living room, keeping an eye out for any
customers who might walk into the liquor shop that fills the
front of his house. Deregulation and the rise of large markets
are killing his store, he mused, but the change is still
worthwhile.
"I once heard a scholar say that the mass media are very
unfair to typhoons," he said. "The media always report
about the damage caused, but never about the benefits of all that
rain. I feel sorry for the typhoons."
An economic typhoon might destroy his store and other businesses,
he said, but Japan as a whole would still benefit.
To be sure, an economic typhoon still is not on the horizon, but
Japan's economic structure is clearly changing nonetheless -- not
suddenly, not as much as the United States wants, but still
profoundly. The change is evident in almost every conversation in
Omiya, as people talk about the new supermarkets, about the
decline of giri-ninjo business relationships, about the struggle
to cut costs and compete with increasing imports.
The word "ability-ism" is the rage now in Japan, and,
sure enough, the local bank says it is introducing
"ability-ism" in evaluating employees. In other words,
workers will be promoted and rewarded according to their merit,
and that marks a change in a country where salaries have always
risen according to seniority and a Confucian respect for the
elderly.
In the nearby city of Matsusaka, a tailor named Eiichi Hashimoto
has cut costs by turning to computerized custom tailoring -- the
cloth is all cut by computers using Japanese software. Hashimoto
is trying in every way he can to become more competitive, and he
says he was particularly struck by what he heard from a friend
who runs a car dealership.
"He told the mechanic, 'if you don't work harder, we won't
be able to pay you so much!"' Hashimoto recalled. "I
was very impressed with that attitude. I thought my friend was
soft in his business management, but now we're all reaching the
stage where we have to face international competition."
The Challenge: What Will Become of the Obsolete?
As Japan's economic structure changes, the challenge is what to
do with people like Yasuo Murata.
Murata runs a sawmill in Omiya, and he has been hard-hit by the
opening up of Japan's economy. He has gone from five employees to
three, and he stood glumly in a drizzle the other day in the
midst of the logs.
"Unless the government changes its policy, it'll be
impossible for me to survive here," he said. "The
problem is the imports."
Murata has eight children -- he wanted a son, and kept trying
until he got one the eighth time around -- and he figures he can
find some job to support them if his mill goes bankrupt. But he
fears that it would be a job like a janitor, in a big city
somewhere.
"I want the government to stop imports of logs, but I know
that it can't do that," he reflected in a bittersweet tone
as he looked out over his sawmill. "Japan is selling hi-tech
products to other countries, and I understand that if our
government stops the log imports then the other countries won't
buy Japanese cars or hi-tech goods. I understand that the weak
are eliminated.
"I'm really against deregulation. But ultimately, I have to
accept it. There's no other way."
In a sense, Murata is facing what the economist Joseph Schumpeter
called "creative destruction." This is something that
Japan used to be very good at, for one of the secrets to its
success in this century was its economic adaptability, its
willingness to allow industrial euthanasia: un-competitive
industries were extinguished, and the capital and labor was
reallocated to rising industries.
In 1950, 45 percent of the labor force engaged in farming; now it
is 3 percent. In the 1950s and '60s, Japanese workers labored in
coal mines or churned out cheap clothing and shoes; now those
mines and garment factories have closed down, and the children of
the miners and shirt-makers have shifted to making automobiles
and selling stocks.
Over the last few decades, that economic flexibility eroded
sharply as the government intervened with regulations to protect
people from the destruction of inefficient shops and factories.
The economy became arthritic and rigid, and the resulting
misallocation of resources accounts in part for the stagnation in
recent years.
But these days, flexibility is returning to Japan's economy, and
the cycle of business destruction and creation seems to be
starting up again. A good deal of the economic pain in places
like Omiya seems to arise from that process of creative
destruction, and it may eventually lead to renewed economic
growth.
Take Okura, the man whose little factory churns out black plastic
parts for cars and who cheerfully admits that his factory is a
loser. His family underscores the cycle of economic change that
is taking place in Japan.
Okura's parents were farmers, just as most Japanese were when he
was born in the 1930s. Then farming became un-competitive, and so
he started his little factory in the 1960s just as the entire
nation was riding a manufacturing boom to prosperity.
Now Okura's factory is likely to fade away before long, but his
children have already taken the generational baton in new
directions: his daughter is an interior designer and his son is a
software engineer who is developing "electronic money"
for a credit card company. His children's success has comforted
him and reassured him that economic change, however painful and
scary, is worthwhile.
"Deregulation is inevitable," Okura said. "The
challenge is to figure out what to do with people like me. But if
we just say that new things are no good, then Japan itself will
be no good."
Copyright (c) 1998 by The New York Times Co. Reprinted by permission