Analysis: Japan's Rising Economic Peril Has Political Roots
by Sheryl WuDunn
TOKYO -- As the world's second-largest economy
lurches to a standstill, possibly threatening to cause a global
slowdown, the fundamental reasons are political, not economic.
Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto is a weak leader governing with
a fragile coalition of parties and factions that seldom agree
with each other, so the government finds it difficult to shift
economic directions even as it becomes clear that the Japanese
ship of state is heading toward an iceberg. And the Japanese
system is based on consensus, which has always made
decision-making difficult in a crisis.
"The Hashimoto administration is in a terrible
situation," said Makoto Sataka, a writer on economic issues.
It is flying a plane, he said, and the "destination of such
a plane is a crash."
On Friday, President Clinton renewed his pressure on Hashimoto,
calling on Japan to "take a bold course" and stimulate
its economy. But the problem in a sense is that there is no
counterpart to Clinton in Tokyo. Tokyo is a many-headed hydra,
with each head looking the other way and blaming the next.
"There is wealth here in Japan, there are diligent people
here in Japan, there is obedient labor in Japan," said Ryuji
Konishi, former managing director at the Long Term Credit Bank,
one of Japan's largest financial institutions. "However,
there is no leadership."
Yet, equally paradoxically, the problem is not simply one of lack
of decisiveness. A year ago, the leaders in Hashimoto's
government were unusually decisive -- but in pushing through a
tax increase, cutting public spending and suspending tax breaks.
All of that helped push Japan toward its present economic
disaster.
Having established that policy direction a year ago, Hashimoto's
government is finding it extremely difficult to be decisive once
again and to switch courses. So now Japan is paying the price for
those fiscal austerity measures, and for seven years of delays in
confronting the country's economic troubles.
The result is that consumers' willingness to spend has fallen to
its lowest level in nearly three decades, unemployment has soared
to a 45-year high, unsold products are piling up in warehouses,
and wages and industrial production and corporate profits are all
sliding.
Many economists say that Japan is now headed for its first major
recession in a quarter-century. Such a downturn, they say, could
prompt Japanese companies to cut back or abandon operations in
the United States and elsewhere around the world, or to sell off
assets to bring their money back home.
It would certainly dim prospects for a recovery in the Asian
financial crisis.
Asian countries dependent on exports desperately need buyers for
their goods, and so far the United States has filled that role.
But Japan, the world's largest creditor nation, with an economy
twice as big as the rest of Asia combined, has so far been unable
to absorb many more products from countries like Thailand,
Indonesia, Malaysia and South Korea because of its own economic
weaknesses.
The United States -- along with many private Japanese economists
-- is urging two strategies to revive the Japanese economy and
avert a dangerous downturn. The first is a huge fiscal stimulus,
some combination of deficit spending and tax cuts. The second is
far-reaching economic deregulation.
The Japanese government has made some headway in both, but not
much.
Hashimoto has been reluctant to pursue the fiscal stimulus,
because until a few months ago he was hailing as a major triumph
his opposite strategy: fiscal austerity measures intended to put
the government on a more sound financial footing. Over the last
few months, under strong American pressure, he has agreed to take
some kind of stimulus measures, but it is not clear how much.
"We will boldly do what we have to do," Hashimoto told
Japanese reporters on Friday, the Kyodo News Agency reported.
In fact, some Western economists say that the Japanese government
has a reasonable position in its concern for fiscal deficits. The
aging of the Japanese population is projected to lead to huge
spending in the coming decades, and that makes it all the more
important to cut deficit spending now -- and Japan has a huge
budget deficit already.
Yet the general verdict is that while the government's concern is
legitimate, it has been too obsessed with the issue. These days,
most say, the risk of a recession is so severe that some greater
fiscal stimulus is essential, even at the risk of worsening the
government's accounts.
"The government should borrow," said Shijuro Ogata, a
former deputy governor at the Bank of Japan. "We have
enormous savings. The government should not worry about
borrowing, for the sake of the country, for the sake of Asia and
for the sake of the world."
Yet the government has another practical reason for delaying over
recent months. The fiscal stimulus will come in a supplemental
budget that can only be drawn up after the regular budget is
approved later this month. So under the rules of the political
game here, Hashimoto cannot really begin talking about the
details of a fiscal stimulus for a few more weeks.
The other approach to stimulating the economy -- deregulation --
will be difficult because most of the proposed efforts at
deregulation are opposed by key interest groups and simply cannot
be pushed through Parliament by a weak leader like Hashimoto.
On Wednesday, Japan did introduce a wide-ranging financial
deregulation package called the Big Bang, for which many have
high hopes. But just a day earlier, the government reverted to a
traditional tactic of propping up the stock market with public
money to help support the banks that rely on stocks to boost
their capital base.
A broader problem is that Japan has been so used to the idea of
government direction over the economy that few Japanese leaders
seem to have a clear vision of the direction that most of the
industrialized world is headed.
"I don't think they fully understand what the market
means," said Shigenori Okazaki, a political analyst at SBC
Warburg Dillon Read in Tokyo. "They lack a fundamental
understanding of a market economy. They are more worried about
farmers losing jobs in construction work. To me, it's a simple
mismatch of the system."
To be sure, Japanese leaders have taken some important measures
in recent months: a $15 billion tax cut, a $222 billion bank
bailout, a 16 trillion yen, or $120 billion, package of economic
stimulants.
"Japan is starting to take correct action," said
Richard Koo, chief economist at Nomura Research Institute.
"If the 16 trillion yen has real public spending, public
spending always works."
But some economists say the problem is that Japan's leaders
waited too long. The tax cut put $15 billion into the pockets of
Japanese consumers in February, but the effects were negligible.
So economists worry that an even greater tax cut may not give as
big a boost to the economy as is hoped.
The $222 billion in public funds for the banks has helped
increase the capital base of the banks and thereby bring about
some stability, but there is still a credit squeeze as banks
remain reluctant to lend amid a time of rising corporate
bankruptcies.
The $120 billion package is currently being drafted, but
economists say they fear that much of the package will be in the
form of government loans that will replace bank lending rather
than actual money that will stimulate the economy.
Japan's economic troubles began when the speculative bubble burst
in the early 1990s. Since then, Japan has been battling a banking
crisis caused by a plunge in the property market that led to bad
and doubtful debt of more than $600 billion, an amount larger
than the size of the entire Chinese economy.
Then last fall, four financial institutions collapsed, leading to
a sharp financial crisis, and corporate bankruptcies are now
soaring. With economies throughout Asia shrinking, and thus the
appetite for Japanese exports declining, Japan's economy is
suffering its worst crisis in decades.
"The real fact is that there is no magic bullet, and they
have a very complex economic adjustment going on," said
Jesper Koll, economist at J.P. Morgan Securities Asia Ltd. about
the Japanese leaders. "We are in a period of crazy ad
hoc-ism."
Copyright (c) 1998 by The New York Times Co. Reprinted be permission