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It was his job to set up civilian administration in the provinces Volckmann’s guerrillas controlled. His leadership was as excellent as always, and he dealt out justice to outlaws and established unimpeachable personalities in positions of command. His ambition, however was to enter Harvard and earn a doctorate in corporate law. He declined President Manuel Roxas’ offer of a seat in Congress and went to practice law in Manila in March 1946. He was preparing to go to the American university the following spring.

Marcos was later persuaded to become a professional politician. He chose his father’s old domain and went into his new career with spirit. He told the crowds in Ilocos Norte that if he were elected Congressman, "I pledge you an Ilocano President in 20 years." (He made it into presidency in 16 years.)

With a 70% vote, he was sent off to Congress and thrice became Ilocos Norte’s representative to the legislature. Congressman Marcos was an activist presence—but he was a scholarly and introverted activist, unlike the boisterous, gladhanding politician typical of that time. He was unafraid to champion an unpopular cause if he thought it just. The Manila Times wrote, "He played a large part in developing a new conscience in the lower house," which was a comment in regards to his integrity during the time of carpetbaggers. Economic policy, agricultural modernization, the protection and extension of civil rights, the enhancement of professional ethics in politics and civil service were Congressman Marcos’ interests. He was the one who wrote the original land-reform code in 1952, as well as other seminal bills on government incentives to commerce and industry.

In 1954, he met Imelda Romualdez in the Congress cafeteria. Despite the simplicity of her appearance—she was in casual houseclothes and slippers—she impressed him. He knew at that moment she would have to be his wife.

Though they seemed an unlikely match, Marcos being a Liberal and an Ilocano and Imelda being a Nacionalista by family tradition and a Visayan, he pursued her. They married at a civil ceremony in Baguio after 11 days of courtship. Two weeks later, on May 1, 1954, they were married at the Pro Cathedral of San Miguel in Manila. President Ramon Magsaysay, the principal sponsor, held the breakfast reception in Malacaņang Palace, where 3,000 of Manila’s official and social elite were invited.

They were celebrated by the media, their wedding publicized as the "Wedding of the Year." The groom was among the most outstanding young politicians in the country, whose public image as a reputable trial lawyer and legislative figure was magnified by his dashing, charismatic personality. The bride carried a name which was respected in both political circles and social register, and whose beauty and fine voice could charm gatherings.

After the marriage, Marcos had his house in San Juan renovated and added a wing for his law office so that he could spend as much time as he could with his family.

The First Couple decided on a small family and spaced the birth of their children accordingly. Their first child, Imelda (Imee), was born in 1955, followed by Ferdinand Jr. (Bongbong, Marcos’ war-name as a guerrilla leader) in 1958, then Irene in 1960, as Marcos was beginning his first term in the Senate. (He was elected into the senate in 1959.)

All through this time, he was moving inevitably up the political ladder. At this time his party was a tiny minority in national politics, yet he came first in the winners’ column to the upper house—and became what the Times called "the young elder statesman."

At this point, he was still barely over 40. He was acknowledged leader of the North. His following in eight Luzon provinces, especially among the Ilocanos, was unequaled. The laws he drew up resulted in material prosperity for large parts of the country. He was a Congressional watchdog against corruption, waste and ineptitude, and he had earned a reputation as an honest politician.

It was on December 30, 1965, that Marcos took up the leadership of a nation in crisis. Self-reliance and hard work to uplift the economic and social condition of all the people, nationalism at home and greater independence in foreign policy became the goals of Marcos’ life.

His first term was innovative and inspirational. He invigorated both populace and bureaucracy. Marcos embarked on a huge infrastructure program, unifying the scattered islands through a network of roads, bridges, rails and ports, committing all the available resources to development. He carefully steered the Republic’s diplomacy during a period of transition in international relations, which saw the confrontation of the Cold War give way to peaceful negotiations. He was host to the Vietnam allies at the Manila Summit of 1966, and embarked on intense personal diplomacy throughout the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations).

Marcos and Imelda’s partnership had an almost similar charm as that of Juan Peron and Eva Duarte. Imelda proved her worth in their marriage by working side by side with her husband. As First Lady, she busied herself with social welfare and cultural projects that complemented Marcos’ work in economics and foreign affairs.

Imelda began restoring Intramuros as a tourist attraction, and started filling in waterfront on Manila Bay on which to build a sprawling Cultural Center. This was followed by a film center where she could stage film festivals, Miss Universe contests and professional boxing matches between such reigning champions as Joe Frazier and Mohammed Ali. She sponsored tree planting and beautification and cleanliness drives at Luneta Park and around historic cemeteries.

Her social welfare program included Christmas bags, home gardens, disaster relief and a project called Save-a-Life-in-Every-Barrio. Funding came from various sources, both local and foreign.

Marcos’ four years of presidency earned him a record that surpassed that of any of the five presidents before him. In 1969, he was returned to a second term—the first Filipino President to be so re-elected—and with the highest majority ever recorded in Philippine electoral history.

The national problems, however, were much graver than could be solved in any single term of office. Combining into an explosive force were poverty, social inequity and rural stagnation, the burden of centuries coupled with rising expectations, a bounding birthrate and mass-education. Marcos was trapped between the entrenched oligarchy, which controlled the Congress and the firebrands from the Manila student movement in the peasant regions of Luzon.

As a result of this, Marcos sent out the Army to face the resurgence of armed Communist activity and the emergence of Maoist urban guerrillas. In August 1971, the write of habeas corpus was suspended.

This worked in the short term, but as soon as it was lifted, radical agitation started again. By the middle of 1972, nearly the entire media turned dead set against the Administration and government was beginning to be slowed down by the intense rivalry between the political parties.

The economic effects of this paralysis of government were made worse by great floods which in the Luzon plain ruined much of agriculture, infrastructure and industry. The people wallowed deeper in cynicism and despair. In Manila, crime, pornography and violence drove citizens from the streets. Invoking the last constitutional defense of the state, President Ferdinand E. Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972.