Khrushchev and Kennedy
Khrushchev to Kennedy
October 24, 1962
Dear Mr. President,
Imagine, Mr. President, what if we were to present to you such
an ultimatum as you have presented to us by your actions. How
would you react to it? I think you would be outraged at such a
move on our part. And this we would understand.
Having presented these conditions to us, Mr. President, you
have thrown down the gauntlet. Who asked you to do this? By what
right have you done this? Our ties with the Republic of Cuba, as
well as our relations with other nations, regardless of their
political system, concern only the two countries between which
these relations exist. And, if it were a matter of quarantine as
mentioned in your letter, then, as is customary in international
practice, it can be established only by states agreeing between
themselves, and not by some third party. Quarantines exist, for
example, on agricultural goods and products. However, in this case
we are not talking about quarantines, but rather about much more
serious matters, and you yourself understand this.
You, Mr. President, are not declaring a quarantine, but
rather issuing an ultimatum, and you are threatening that if we do
not obey your orders, you will then use force. Think about what
you are saying! And you want to persuade me to agree to this!
What does it mean to agree to these demands? It would mean for us
to conduct our relations with other countries not by reason, but by
yielding to tyranny. You are not appealing to reason; you want to
No, Mr. President, I cannot agree to this, and I think that
deep inside, you will admit that I am right. I am convinced that
if you were in my place you would do the same.
.... This Organization [of American States] has no authority
or grounds whatsoever to pass resolutions like those of which you
speak in your letter. Therefore, we do not accept these
resolutions. International law exists, generally accepted
standards of conduct exist. We firmly adhere to the principles of
international law and strictly observe the standards regulating
navigation on the open sea, in international waters. We observe
these standards and enjoy the rights recognized by all nations.
You want to force us to renounce the rights enjoyed by every
sovereign state; you are attempting to legislate questions of
international law; you are violating the generally accepted
standards of this law. All this is due not only to hatred for the
Cuban people and their government, but also for reasons having to
do with the election campaign in the USA. What morals, what laws
can justify such an approach by the American government to
international affairs? Such morals and laws are not to be found,
because the actions of the USA in relation to Cuba are outright
piracy. This, if you will, is the madness of a degenerating
imperialism. Unfortunately, people of all nations, and not least
the American people themselves, could suffer heavily from madness
such as this, since with the appearance of modern types of weapons,
the USA has completely lost its former inaccessibility.
Therefore, Mr. President, if you weigh the present situation
with a cool head without giving way to passion, you will understand
that the Soviet Union cannot afford not to decline the despotic
demands of the USA. When you lay conditions such as these before
us, try to put yourself in our situation and consider how the USA
would react to such conditions. I have no doubt that if anyone
attempted to dictate similar conditions to you -- the USA, you
would reject such an attempt. And we likewise say -- no.
The Soviet government considers the violation of the freedom
of navigation in international waters and air space to constitute
an act of aggression propelling humankind into the abyss of a world
nuclear-missile war. Therefore, the Soviet government cannot
instruct captains of Soviet ships bound for Cuba to observe orders
of American naval forces blockading this island. Our instructions
to Soviet sailors are to observe strictly the generally accepted
standards of navigation in international waters and not retreat one
step from them. And, if the American side violates these rights,
it must be aware of the responsibility it will bear for this act.
To be sure, we will not remain mere observers of pirate actions by
American ships in the open sea. We will then be forced on our part
to take those measures we deem necessary and sufficient to defend
our rights. To this end we have all that is necessary.
Khrushchev to Kennedy
October 26, 1962
Dear Mr. President:
It is with great satisfaction that I studied your reply to Mr. U Thant on the adoption of measures in order to avoid contact by our ships and thus avoid irreparable fatal consequences. This reasonable step on your part persuades me that your are showing solicitude for the preservation of peace, and I note this with satisfaction.
I have already said that the only concern of our people and government and myself personally as chairman of the Council of Ministers is to develop our country and have it hold a worthy place among all people of the world in economic competition, advance of culture and arts, and most necessary field for competition which will only benefit both the winner and loser, because this benefit is peace and an increase in the facilities by means of which man lives and obtains pleasure.
In your statement, you said that the main aim lies not only in reaching an agreement and adopting measures to avert contact of our ships, and consequently, a deepening of the crisis, which because of this contact can spark off the fire of military conflict after which any talks would be superfluous because others forces and other laws would begin to operate--the laws of war. I agree with your that this is only a first step. The main thing is to normalize and stabilize the situation in the world between states and between people.
I understand your concern for the security of the United States, Mr. President, because this is the first duty of the president. However, these questions are also uppermost in our minds. The same duties rest with me as chairman of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers. You have been worried over our assisting Cuba with arms designed to strengthen its defensive potential--precisely defensive potential--because Cuba, no matter that weapons it had, could not compare with you since these are different dimensions, the more so given up-to-date means of extermination.
Our purpose has been and is to help Cuba, an no one can challenge the humanity of our motives aimed at allowing Cuba to live peacefully and develop as its people desire. You want to relieve your country from danger and this is understandable. However, Cuba also wants this. All countries want to relieve your country from danger. But how can we the Soviet Union and our government, assess your action which, in effect, mean that you have surrounded the Soviet Union with military bases, surrounded our allies with military bases, set up military bases literally around our country, and stationed your rocket weapons at them? This is no secret. High-placed American officials demonstratively declare this. Your rockets are stationed in Britain and in Italy and pointed at us. Your rockets are stationed in Turkey.
You are worried over Cuba. You say that that it worries your because it lies at a distance of ninety miles across the sea from the shores of the United States. However, Turkey lies next to us. Our sentinels are pacing up and down and watching each other. Do you believe that you have the right to demand security for your country and the removal of such weapons that you qualify as offensive, while not recognizing this right for us?
You have stationed devastating rocket weapons which you call offensive, in Turkey literally right next to us. How does recognition of your equal military possibilities tally with such unequal relations between our great states? This does not tally at all.
It is good, Mr. President, that you agreed for our representatives to meet and begin talks, apparently with the participation of the U.N. Acting Secretary General U Thant. Consequently, to some extent, he assumes the role of intermediary, and we believe that he can cope with the responsible mission if, of course, every side that is drawn in to this conflict shows good will.
I think that one could rapidly eliminate the conflict and normalize the situation. Then people would heave a sigh of relief, considering that the statesmen who bear the responsibility have sober minds, and awareness of their responsibility, and an ability to solve complicated problems and not allow matters to slide to the disaster of war.
This is why I make this proposal: We agree to remove those weapons from Cuba which you regard as offensive weapons. We agree to do this and to state this commitment in the United Nations. Your representatives will make a statement to effect that the United States, on its part, bearing in mind the anxiety and concern of the Soviet state, will evacuate its analogous weapons from Turkey. Let us reach an understanding on what time you and we need to put this into effect.
After this, representatives of the U.N. Security Council could control on-the-spot the fulfillment of these commitments. Of course, it is necessary that the Governments of Cuba and Turkey would allow these representatives to come to their countries and check fulfillment of this commitment, which each side undertakes. Apparently, it would be better if these representatives enjoyed the trust of the Security Council an ours--the United States and the Soviet Union--as well as of Turkey and Cuba. I think that it will not be difficult to find such people who enjoy the trust and respect of all interested sides.
We having assumed this commitment in order to give satisfaction and hope to the peoples of Cuba and Turkey and to increase their confidence in their security, will make a statement in the Security Council to the effect that the Soviet Government gives a solemn pledge to respect the integrity of the frontiers and the sovereignty of Turkey, not to intervene in its domestic affairs, not to invade Turkey, not to make available its territory as a place d'armes for such invasion, and also will restrain those who would think of launching an aggression against Turkey either from Soviet territory or from the territory of other states bordering on Turkey.
The U.S. Government will make the same statement in the Security Council with regard to Cuba. It will declare that the United States will respect the integrity of the frontiers of Cuba, its sovereignty, undertakes not to intervene in its domestic affairs, not to invade and not to make its territory available as a place d'armes for the invasion of Cuba, and also will restrain those who would think of launching an aggression against Cuba either from U.S. territory or from the territory of other states bordering on Cuba.
Of course, for this we would have to reach agreement with you and arrange for some deadline. Let us agree to give some time, but not delay, two or three weeks, not more than a month.
The weapons on Cuba, that you have mentioned and which, as you say, alarm you, are in the hands of Soviet officers. Therefore any accidental use of them whatsoever to the detriment of the United States of America is excluded. These mean are stationed in Cuba at the request of the Cuban Government and only in defensive aims. Therefore, if there is no invasion of Cuba, or an attack on the Soviet Union, or other of our allies then, of course, these means do not threaten anyone and will not threaten. For they do not pursue offensive aims.
If you accept my proposal, Mr. President, we would send our representatives to New York, to the United Nations, and would give them exhaustive instructions to order to come to terms sooner. If you would also appoint your men and give them appropriate instructions, this problem could be solved soon.
Why would I like to achieve this? Because the entire world is now agitated and expects reasonable actions from us. The greatest pleasure for all the peoples would be an announcement on our agreement, on nipping in the bud the conflict that has arisen. I attach a great importance to such understanding because it might be a good beginning and, specifically, facilitate a nuclear test ban agreement. The problem of tests could be solved simultaneously, not linking one with the other, because they are different problems. However, it is important to reach an understanding to both these problems in order to make a good gift to the people, to let them rejoice in the news that a nuclear test ban agreement as also been reached and thus there will be no further contamination of the atmosphere. Your and our positions on this issue are very close.
All this possibly, would serve as a good impetus to searching for mutually acceptable agreements on other disputed issues, too, on which there is an exchange of opinion between us. These problems have not yet been solved, but they wait from an urgent solution which would clear the international atmosphere. We are ready for this.
These are my proposals, Mr. President.
Kennedy to Khrushchev
October 27, 1962
[Replay to Chairman Khrushchev's first letter of October 26]
I have read your letter of October 26th with great care and welcome the statement of your desire to seek a prompt solution to the problem. The first things that needs to be done, however, is for work to cease on offensive missile bases in Cuba and for all weapons systems in Cuba capable of offensive use to be rendered inoperable, under effective United Nations arrangements.
Assuming this is done promptly, I have given my representatives in New York instructions that will permit them to work out this weekend--in cooperation with the Acting Secretary General and your representative--an arrangement for a permanent solution to the Cuban problem along the lines suggested in your letter of October 26th. As I read your letter, the key elements of your proposals--which seem generally acceptable as I understand them--are as follows:
- You would agree to remove these weapons systems from Cuba under appropriate United Nations observation and supervision; and undertake, with suitable safeguards, to halt the further introduction of such weapons systems in to Cuba.
- We on our part, would agree--upon the establishment of adequate arrangements through the United Nations to ensure the carrying out and continuation of these commitments--(a) to remove promptly the quarantine measures now in effect and (b) to give assurances against an invasion of Cuba. I am confident that other nations of the Western Hemisphere would be prepared to do likewise.
If you give your representatives similar instructions, there is no reason why we should not be able to complete these arrangements and announce them to the world within a couple of days. The effect of such a settlement on easing world tensions would enable us to work toward a more general arrangement regarding "other armaments," as proposed in your second letter which you made public. I would like to say again that the United States is very much interested in reducing tensions and halting the arms race; and if your letter signifies that you are prepared to discuss a detente affecting NATO and the Warsaw Pact, we are quite prepared to consider with our allies any useful proposals.
But the first ingredient, let me emphasize, is the cessation of work on missile sites in Cuba and measures to render such weapons inoperable, under effective international guarantees. The continuation of this threat, or a prolonging of this discussion concerning Cuba by linking these problems to the broader questions of European and world security, would surely lead to an intensified situation on the Cuban crisis and a grave risk to the peace of the world. For this reason I hope we can quickly agree along the lines outlined in this letter and in your letter of October 26th.
John F. Kennedy
Khrushchev to Kennedy
October 28, 1962
Dear Mr. President:
I have received your message of October 27. I express my satisfaction and thank you for the sense of proportion you have displayed and for realization of the responsibility which now devolves on you for the preservation of the peace of the world.
I regard with great understanding your concern and the concern of the United States people in connection with the fact that the weapons you describe as offensive are formidable weapons indeed. Both you and we understand what kind of weapons these are.
In order to eliminate as rapidly as possible the conflict which endangers the cause of peace, to give an assurance to all people who crave peace, and to reassure the American people, all of whom, I am certain, also want peace, as do the people of the Soviet Union, the Soviet Government, in addition to earlier instructions on the discontinuation of further work on weapons constructions sites, has given a new order to dismantle the arms which you described as offensive, and to crate and return them to the Soviet Union.
Mr. President, I should like to repeat what I had already written to you in my earlier messages--that the Soviet Government has given economic assistance to the Republic of Cuba, as well as arms, because Cuba and the Cuban people were constantly under the continous threat of an invasion of Cuba.
A piratic vessel had shelled Havana. They say that this shelling was done by irresponsible Cubans. Perhaps so. However, the question is from where did they shoot. It is a fact that these Cubans have no territory, they are fugitives from their country, and they have no means to conduct military operations.
This means that someone put into their hands these weapons for shelling Havana and for piracy in the Caribbean in Cuban territorial waters. It is impossible in our time not to notice a piratic ship, considering the concentration in the Caribbean of American ships from which everything can be seen and observed.
In these conditions, pirate ships freely roam around and shell Cuban and make piratic attacks on peaceful cargo ships. It is known that they even shelled a British cargo ship. In a word, Cuba was under the continous threat of aggressive forces, which did not conceal their intention to invade its territory.
The Cuban people want to build their life in their own interests without external interference. This is their right, and they cannot be blamed for wanting to be masters of their own country and disposing of the fruits of their own labor. The threat of invasion of Cuba and all other schemes for creating tension over China are designed to strike the Cuban people with a sense of insecurity, intimidate them, and prevent them from peacefully building their new life.
Mr. President I should like to say clearly once more that we could not remain indifferent to this. The Soviet Government decided to render assistance to Cuba with means of defense against aggression--only with the means for defense purposes. We have supplied the defense means, which you describe as offensive means. We have supplied them to prevent an attack on Cuba--to prevent rash acts.
I regard with respect and trust the statement you made in your message of October 27, 1962 that there would be no attack, no invasion of Cuba, and not only on the part of the United States, but also on the part of other nations of the Western Hemisphere, as you said in your same message. Then the motives which induced us to render assistance of such a kind to Cuba disapear.
It is for this reason that we instructed our officers--these means as I had already informed you earlier are in the hands of the Soviet officers--to take appropriate measures to discontinue construction of the aforementioned facilities, to dismantle them, and to return them to the Soviet Union. As I had informed you in the letter of October 27, we are prepared to reach agreement to enable U.N. representives to verify the dismantling of these means. Thus the view of the assurances you have given and our instructions on dismantling, there is every condition for eliminating the present conflict.
I note with satisfaction that you have responded to the desire I expressed with regard to elimination of the aforementioned dangerous situation as well as with regard to providing conditions for a more thoughtful appraisal of the international situation, fraught as it is with great dangers in our age of thermonuclear weapons, rocketry, spaceshisp, global rockets, and other deadly weapons. All people are interested in insuring peace.
Therefore, vested with trust and great responsiblity, we must not allow the situation to become aggravated and must stamp out the centers where a dangerous situation fraught with grave consequences to the cause of peace has arisen. If we, together with you, and with the assistance of other people of good will, succeed in elminating this tense atmosphere, we should also make certain that no other dangerous conflicts, which could lead to a work nuclear castastrophe, would arise.
In conclusion, I should like to say something about a detente between NATO and and the Warsaw Tready countries that you have mentioned. We have spoken about this long sice and are prepared to continue to exchange views on this question with you and to find a reasonable solution.
We should like to continue the exchange of view on the prohibition of atomic and thermonuclear weapons, general disarmament, and other problems related to the relaxation of international tension.
Although I trust your statement, Mr. President, there are irresponsible people who would like to invade Cuba now and thus touch off a war. If we do take practical steps and proclaim the dismantling and evacuation of the means in question from Cuba, in so doing we, at the same time, want to Cuban people to be certain that we are with them and are not absolving ourselves of responsiblity for rendering assistance to the Cuban people.
We are confident that the people of all countries, like you, Mr. President, will understant me correctly. We are not threating. We want nothing but peace. Our country is now on the upsurge. Our people are enjoying the fruits of their peaceful labor. They have achieved tremendous successes since the October Revolution, and created the greatest material, spirital, and cultural values. Our people are enjoying these values; they want to continue developing their achievements and insure their further developmen o the way of peace and social progress by their persistant labor.
I should like to remind you, Mr. President, that military reconnaissance plans have violated the borders of the Soviet Union. In connection with this there have been conflicts between us and notes exchanged. In 1960 we sho down you U-2 plan, whose reconnaissance flight over the U.S.S.R. wrecked the summit meeting in Paris. At that time, you took a correct position and denounced that criminal act of the former U.S. adminstration.
But during your term of office as president another violation of our border has occured, by an American U-2 plane in the Sakhalin area. We wrote you abou that violation on August 30. At that time you replied that that the violation had occured as a result of poor weather, and gave assurances that this would not be repeated. We trusted your assurance, because the weather was indeed poor in that area at that time.
But had not you plane been order to fly about our territory, even porr weather could not have brought an American plane into our airspace, hence, the conclusion that this is being done with the knowledge of the Pentagon, which tramples on international norms and violates the borders of other states.
A still more dangerous case occurred on October 28, when one of your reconnainssance planes intruded over Soviet borders in the Chukotka Peninsula area in the north and flew over our territory. The question is, Mr. President: How should we regard this? What is this a provocation? One of your planes violates our frontier during this anxious time we are both experiencing, when everything has been put into combat readiness. Is it not a fact than an intruding American plane could be easily taken for a nuclear bomber, which might push us to a fateful step; and all the more so since the U.S. Government and Pentagon long ago declared that you are maintaining a continous nuclear bomber patrol?
Therefore, you can imagin the responsiblity you are assuming; especially now, when we are living through such anxious times.
I should like to express the following wish; it concerns the Cuban people. You do not have diplomatic relations. But though my officers in Cuba, I have reports that American planes are making flights over Cuba.
We are interested that there should be no war in the world, and that the Cuban people should live in peace. And besides, Mr. President, it is no secret that we have our people in Cuba. Under a treaty with the Cuban Government we have sent there officers, instructors, mostly plain people: specialists, agronomists, zotechnicians, irragotors, land reclamation specialists, plain workers, tractor drivers, and others. We are concerned about them.
I should like you to consider, Mr. President, that violation of Cuban airspace by American planes could also lead to dangerous consequences. And if you do not want this to happen, it would be better if no cause I given for a dangerous situation to arise. We must be careful now and refrain from any steps which would not be useful to the defense of the states involved in the conflict, which could only cause irritation and even serve as a provocation for a fateful step. Therefore, we must display sanity, reason, and refrain from such steps.
We value peace perhaps even more than other peoples because we went through a terrible war with Hitler. But our people trust their government, and we assure our people and world public opinion that the Soviet Government will not allow itself to be provoked. But if the provocateurs unleash war, they will not evade responsiblity and the grave consequences a war would bring to them. But we are confident that reason wil triumph, that war will not be unleashed, and peace and the security of the peoples will be insured.
In connection with the current negotiations between Acting Secretary General U Thant and representatives of the Soviet Union, the United States, and the republic of Cuba, the Soviet Government has sent First Deputy Foreign Minister V. V. Kuznetsov to New York to help U Thant in his noble efforts aimed at eliminated the present dangerous situation.
Kennedy to Khrushchev
October 28, 1962
Dear Mr. Chairman:
I am replying at once to your broadcast message of October 28, even though the official text has not yet reached me, because of the great importance I attach to moving forward promptly to the settlment of the Cuban crisis. I think that you and I, with our heavy responsiblities for the maintaining of peace, were aware could have become unmanagable. So I welcome this message and consider it an important contribuation to peace.
The distinguished efforst of Acting Secretary General U Thant have greatly facilitated both our tasks. I consider my letter to you of October 27 and your reply today as firm undertakings on the part of both governments which should promptly carried out. I hope that the necessary measures can at once be taken through the United Nations, as you message says, so that the United States in turn will be able to remove the quarantine measures now in effect. I have already made arrangements to report all these matters to the Organization of American States, whose members share a deep interest in a genuine peace in the Caribbean area.
You referred in your letter to a violation of you frontier by an American aircraft in the area of the Chukotsk Peninsula. I have learned that this plane, without arms or photographic equipment, was engaged in an air-sampling mission in connection with your nuclear tests. Its course was direct from Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska in the North Pole and return. In turning south, the pilot made a serious navigational error which carried him over Soviet territory. He immediatly made an emergancy call on open radio for navigational assistance and was guided back to his home base by the most direct route. I regret this incident and will see to it that every precaution is taken to prevent recurence.
Mr. Chairman, both of our countries have great unfinished tasks and I know that your people as well as those of the United States can ask for nothing better than to pursue them free from the fear of war. Modern science and technology have given us the possiblity of making labor fruitful beyond anything that could have been dreamed of a few decades ago.
I agree with you that we must devote urgent attention to the problem of disarmament, as it relates to the whole world and also to critical areas. Perhaps now, as well step back from danger, we can together make real progress in this vital field. I think that we should give priority to questions relating to the proliferation of nuclear weapons, on earth and in outer space, and to the great effort for a nuclear test ban. But we should also work hard to see if wider measures of disarmament can be agreed and put into operation at an early date. The United States government will be prepared to discuss these questions urgently, and in a constructive spirit, at Geneva or elsewhere.