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Communication In The CrisisIn a televised address to the nation, Kennedy declared that the USSR was driving the world toward the "abyss of destruction." Soviet Premier Khrushchev responded in a letter to Kennedy with outrage. To quote: You, Mr. President are not declaring a quarantine, but rather issuing an ultimatum, and you are threatening that if we do not obey your orders, you will then use force. Think about what you are saying! And you want to persuade me to agree to this! What does it mean to agree to these demands? It would mean for us to conduct our relations with countries not by reason, but by yielding to tyranny. You are not appealing to reason; you want to intimidate us....No Mr. President, I cannot agree to this....
President Kennedy knew he had a problem if he needed an immediate response from Khrushchev. Early on in the crisis, on October 18, President Kennedy had a meeting with EX-COMM in the Oval Office. The President asked a few of his advisors how long it would take for him to get a message back and forth to Moscow:
![]() JFK - How quick is our communication with Moscow? Say we sent somebody to see him and he was there at the beginning of the 24 hour period to see Mr. Khrushchev, how long would it be before Khrushchev's answer could get back to us as far as communications?
Why did Kennedy prefer to write letters to Khrushchev as the primary way of communicating during the crisis in spite of this time lag? Evidently, letter writing with Chairman Khrushchev had been established earlier in President Kennedy's presidency. This correspondence was intended to exchange ideas in a purely informal way, and was known later as "the pen pal" correspondence.
Although slower than the phone lines, the letters, given their importance, moved remarkably fast. Moving them in the space of "a couple of hours," in spite of the distance that the letters had to go and the translations that had to take place, must have been quite a feat. Many of these letters were more in depth and thoughtful than you could expect from a phone conversation. The leaders could prepare statements and edit their thoughts using the tried and true format of letters, Kennedy and Khrushchev could talk to each other as friends, not as enemies.
It is possible that this personal and informal form of correspondence helped prevent the crisis from getting any worse than it already was. In one instance, the fact that the presidents were using letters to work out a deal actually made a dramatic impact on the final outcome. On October 26, Khrushchev wrote President Kennedy a long rambling letter outlining a proposed resolution. He suggested that the USSR would take its missiles out of Cuba, if Kennedy agreed publicly that we would never invade Cuba. Then, on October 27, before Kennedy could respond, a U-2 was shot down over Cuba. Later that day one of our planes flew off course into Russia and almost got shot down as well. This showed that the crisis could be spinning violently out of control, and that was something both sides knew they had to avoid.
Still, the letters were a risky way to communicate. The world is lucky that no catastrophe occurred. On October 27, while the presidents were transmitting these letters over five or six hour periods, these U-2 planes could have provoked someone in the USSR or Cuba into pulling the nuclear trigger. Clearly at this point we could have benefited from having a more immediate, hot-line link to the USSR.
This crisis taught us, if nothing else, that Washington and Moscow needed at some critical times, faster ways of communicating. In fact, the secret phone hot line was created as a result of this crisis. If the hot line or some other form of communication, better than written letters, would have been used during the crisis, there would have been much less danger related to miscommunication. For instance, if Kennedy hadn't gotten the letter from Khrushchev in time we could have started a nuclear war just because our communication took too long.
Fortunately the letter correspondence between Khrushchev and Kennedy did manage, slow and inefficient as it was, to help us resolve the crisis to our satisfaction. Both Khrushchev and Kennedy indeed brought us back from, as Kennedy said in his speech "the abyss of destruction." But these leaders were great statesmen who loved and respected the power of the written word. It is our loss that we cannot use the power of the written word as they did before, because in our day and age events develop much too fast to use communication with the slow speed of letters.
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